Scope, control and anaphora
10.1 Introduction
This chapter discusses exceptional scope (section 10.2), a need for ILYR layers distinct from their use with conjunction (section 10.3), managing control (section 10.5), preventing control (section 10.6), and resolving anaphora (section 10.7).
10.2 Exceptional scope
Quantificational elements scope from their place of occurrence with a leftward direction (but see section 10.3 for how this can be manipulated), only with internal layers, phrase heads, and verbs of clauses always within the scope of other elements of the same layer. But a quantificational element with a functional role at its point of occurrence can also have broader scope consequences. This is closely related to what happens for displacement in section 9.2.
Displacement of a quantificational element needs to capture a narrower point of integration from a broader scope gained from the place of element occurrence. Annotation has an indexed *ICH* node under role information at the place of integration. The quantificational element from its place of occurrence takes index information identical to the *ICH* as its own role integration information.
Exceptional scope needs to capture a broader scope contribution from an occurrence point that is the point of role integration. Annotation for exceptional scope is also achieved with an indexed *ICH* node, only with placement of this indexed node without any role integration information at the point where the exceptional scope begins. The quantificational element from its place of occurrence has both role integration information and the same index information as the *ICH* occurrence that itself lacks role integration information but which gives the exceptional scope information in virtue of its placement.
- (10.1)
-
(IP-MAT
(NP-SBJ (NS Thousands)
(PP (P-ROLE of)
(NP (NS people))))
(BEP;~cat_Ve_passive_ are)
(IP-PPL-CAT (NP-LGS *) (VVN killed))
(NP-NIM-TMP (Q every) (N year)))
The anaphoric connection in (10.2) gives the indefinite a knife too have wide scope over Every week.
- (10.2)
-
(ILYR
(ILYR
(NP-NIM-TMP (Q Every) (N week))
(NP-SBJ
(NP-GENV;{GIRLS} (PRO;_genm_ their))
(N leader)
(PUNC ,)
(PRN
(NP;{MARY} (NPR Mary) (NPR Todd))))
(VBP;~Tn spins)
(NP-OB1;{KNIFE} (D a) (N knife)))
(CONJP (CONJ and)
(ILYR
(NP-SBJ (D the) (N person)
(IP-REL
(PP-CLR-DIR (P-ROLE to)
(NP (RPRO whom)))
(NP-SBJ;{KNIFE} (PRO it))
(VBP;~Ipr points)))
(HVP;~cat_Vt has)
(IP-INF-CAT (TO to) (DO;~Tn do)
(NP-OB1 (D a)
(ADJP (ADJ daring))
(N thing))))))
- (10.3)
-
(IP-MAT (NP *ICH*-144)
(NP-SBJ (D A) (N doctor))
(MD;~cat_Vi will)
(IP-INF-CAT (VB;~Cf.a make)
(ADJP-PRD (ADJ sure))
(CP-THT-OB1
(IP-SUB (C that)
(NP-SBJ-144 (Q every) (N patient))
(VBP;~I recovers)))))
- (10.4)
-
(IP-MAT (NP *ICH*-149)
(PP-SCON-TMP (P-CONN On)
(IP-PPL2
(ILYR
(ILYR (VAG;~Tn obtaining)
(NP-OB1 (D a) (N prospectus)))
(CONJP (CONJ and)
(ILYR (VAG;~Ipr asking)
(PP-CLR (P-ROLE for)
(NP (D an) (N application) (N form))))))))
(PUNC ,)
(NP-SBJ (PRO you))
(MD;~cat_Vi will)
(IP-INF-CAT (VB;~Tf find)
(CP-THT-OB1
(IP-SUB (C that)
(NP-SBJ-149 (Q every) (N drama) (N school))
(MD;~cat_Vi will)
(IP-INF-CAT (VB;~Tn require)
(NP-OB1 (D an) (N audition) (N fee)))))))
10.3 Managing scope with ILYR
Examples above have IP-PPL-CAT structures that follow the subject, so that the IP-PPL-CAT is within the scope of the subject. The word order of (10.5) suggests content for an IP-PPL-CAT (Opposing him) that precedes the subject (the French Admiral), and yet inheritance of the subject is also needed. Subject inheritance is achieved by the placement of the IP-PPL-CAT under an ILYR projection that also contains the auxiliary verb. With this annotation, the ILYR projection functions as a direct embedding of the layer that contains it, so that all other content of the containing layer scopes over the ILYR, as if the ILYR had its content placed last in the containing layer.
- (10.5)
-
(IP-MAT
(ILYR
(IP-PPL-CAT (VAG;~Tn Opposing)
(NP-OB1 (PRO him)))
(BED;~cat_Vg was))
(NP-SBJ (D the)
(ADJP (ADJ French))
(N Admiral)))
It follows that an ILYR instance will either (i) have a placement that is directly under a clause layer, as in (10.5); or (ii) have a placement that is either sister to CONJP layer(s) or directly under a CONJP layer, as with the examples of clause internal coordination in section 4.4. An ILYR is never sister to another ILYR.
In (10.6), ILYR is needed to ensure that in_order attaches at a higher scope level than without.
- (10.6)
-
(IP-MAT
(NP-SBJ (PRO I))
(ILYR (VBD spent)
(NP-OB1 (D the) (N night))
(PP-NIM-LOC (P-ROLE at)
(NP (D the) (N library)))
(PP-SCON-MNR (P-CONN without)
(IP-PPL2 (VAG sleeping))))
(PP-SCON-CNT (P-CONN in_order)
(IP-INF (TO to) (VB prepare))))
In (10.7), ILYR is needed to ensure that the initial PP-SCON-ABS can occur in the scope of the subject and yet also occur before the rest of the main clause elements so that there is an accessible antecedent for that.
- (10.7)
-
(IP-MAT
(PP-SCON-ABS
(IP-PPL2 (VAG;~Tn Answering)
(NP-OB1 (NS jeers)
(CP-THT
(IP-SUB (C that)
(NP-SBJ (PRO;_cleft_ it))
(BED;~cleft_V was)
(NP-FOC (N labour))
(IP-CLF
(NP-SBJ (RPRO which))
(ILYR;{LIMITS}
(ILYR
(ADVP-NIM-TMP (NUM first))
(VBD;~Tn.pr put)
(NP-OB1 (D a) (N ceiling))
(PP-CLR-LOC (P-ROLE on)
(NP (N health) (N spending))))
(CONJP (CONJ and)
(ILYR (VBD;~Tn started)
(NP-OB1 (NS charges)))))))))))
(PUNC ,)
(NP-SBJ;{BROWN} (N Mr) (NPR Brown))
(ILYR (VBD;~Dn.f reminded)
(NP-OB2 (D the)
(ADJP (ADJ hostile))
(N government)
(NS benches))
(CP-THT-OB1
(IP-SUB
(NP-SBJ;{LIMITS} (D;_nphd_ that))
(BED;~cat_Ve_passive_ was)
(IP-PPL-CAT (DON;~Tn done)
(PP-NIM-TMP (P-ROLE in)
(NP (NPR 1950))))))))
In (10.8) an ILYR is needed to ensure that forgetting scopes outside whilst.
- (10.8)
-
10.4 Scope of negation
Without _high_, negation scopes only over the verb.
- (10.9)
-
(IP-MAT
(NP-SBJ;{COLLECTOR} (D A) (N collector))
(DOD did)
(NEG;_clitic_ n<apos>t)
(VB;~I buy)
(PP-SCON-CNT (P-CONN because)
(IP-ADV
(NP-SBJ;{COLLECTOR} (PRO she))
(BED;~cat_Ve_passive_ was)
(IP-PPL-CAT (NP-LGS *) (VVN;~Tn influenced)))))
With _high_, negation scopes over all content to the right.
- (10.10)
-
(IP-MAT
(NP-SBJ;{COLLECTOR} (D A) (N collector))
(DOD did)
(NEG;_clitic_;_high_ n<apos>t)
(VB;~I buy)
(PP-SCON-CNT (P-CONN because)
(IP-ADV
(NP-SBJ;{COLLECTOR} (PRO she))
(BED;~cat_Ve_passive_ was)
(IP-PPL-CAT (NP-LGS *) (VVN;~Tn influenced)))))
- (10.11)
-
(IP-MAT
(PP-SCON-CNT (P-CONN Because)
(IP-ADV
(NP-SBJ;{COLLECTOR} (D a) (N collector))
(BED;~cat_Ve_passive_ was)
(IP-PPL-CAT (NP-LGS *) (VVN;~Tn influenced))))
(NP-SBJ;{COLLECTOR} (PRO she))
(DOD did)
(NEG;_clitic_;_high_ n<apos>t)
(VB;~I buy))
10.5 Managing control
No extra annotation is required for subject control to reach into an adverbial clause occurring within the same clause but prior to a subject. For example, in (10.12) the disease controls into the initial conditional adverbial to be the subject for the passive untreated.
- (10.12)
-
(IP-MAT
(PP-SCON-CNT-CND
(IP-PPL2 (VVN;~Tn untreated)))
(PUNC ,)
(NP-SBJ (D the) (N disease))
(MD;~cat_Vi can))
Examples (10.13) and (10.14) are the same sentence annotated in two different ways: (10.13) has IP-INF, while (10.14) has IP-INF2. This difference alters who the talker is and the choice of resolution for the instance of him.
- (10.13)
-
(IP-MAT
(NP-SBJ;{IDENT_29} (NPR Peter))
(VBD took)
(NP-OB1;{IDENT_2} (NPR Jesus))
(ADVP-NIM-DIR (ADV away)
(PP (P-ROLE from)
(NP;{IDENT_62} (D the)
(ADJP (ADJ other))
(NS followers))))
(PP-SCON-CNT
(IP-INF (TO to) (VB talk)
(PP-CLR (P-ROLE to)
(NP;{IDENT_29} (PRO him)))
(ADVP-NIM-MNR (ADV alone)))))
- (10.14)
-
(IP-MAT
(NP-SBJ;{IDENT_29} (NPR Peter))
(VBD took)
(NP-OB1;{IDENT_2} (NPR Jesus))
(ADVP-NIM-DIR (ADV away)
(PP (P-ROLE from)
(NP;{IDENT_62} (D the)
(ADJP (ADJ other))
(NS followers))))
(PP-SCON-CNT
(IP-INF2 (TO to) (VB talk)
(PP-CLR (P-ROLE to)
(NP;{IDENT_2} (PRO him)))
(ADVP-NIM-MNR (ADV alone)))))
Example (10.15) illustrates the need to mark IP-PPL2 and IP-INF2 to maintains subject control.
- (10.15)
-
(ILYR
(NP-SBJ (PRO we))
(MD;~cat_Vi should)
(IP-INF-CAT (VB;~It try)
(IP-INF-CLR (TO to) (VB;~Tn appreciate)
(NP-OB1
(IP-REL
(NP-SBJ (RPRO what))
(BEP;~La is)
(ADJP-PRD2
(ADVP (ADV financially))
(ADJ free))))
(PP-SCON-TMP (P-CONN whilst)
(IP-PPL2 (BAG;~cat_Ve_passive_ being)
(IP-PPL-CAT (VVN;~Cn.t prepared)
(IP-INF-PRD (TO to) (VB;~Tn pay)
(NP-OB1
(ADJP (ADJ emotional))
(NS prices))
(PP-SCON-CNT
(IP-INF2 (TO to) (VB;~Tn achieve)
(NP-OB1
(IP-REL
(NP-SBJ (RPRO what))
(BEP;~La is)
(ADJP-PRD2 (ADJS best))
(PP-BNF (P-ROLE for)
(NP (Q;_nphd_ all))))))))))))))
- (10.16)
-
(ILYR
(NP-SBJ (PRO;_provisional_ It))
(BEP;~La is)
(ADJP-PRD2 (ADJ hard))
(IP-INF-NSBJ (TO to) (VB;~Tn find)))
In (10.17) the matrix subject controls through to the embedded be.
- (10.17)
-
(IP-MAT
(NP-SBJ (D The) (N cost)
(PP (P-ROLE per)
(NP (N job)))
(PP (P-ROLE to)
(NP (D the) (N Exchequer))))
(BED;~cat_Ve_passive_ was)
(IP-PPL-CAT (NP-LGS *) (VVN;~Tnt estimated)
(IP-INF-OB1 (TO to) (BE;~Ln be)
(NP-PRD2
(ADVP (ADV around))
(N <pound>)
(NUM 30,000)))))
When there is clause-within-clause subordination, the possibility arises of an element from the main clause making a direct contribution to the subordinate clause while being left with unclear status in the main clause. One notable scenario of this involves derived subjects. (The other notable scenario involves derived objects.)
- (10.18)
-
(IP-ADV
(NP-SBJ (D;_nphd_ these))
(BEP;~La are)
(ADJP-PRD2
(ADVP (ADVR more))
(ADJ;_cat_ likely)
(IP-INF (TO to) (VB;~I crease))))
- (10.19)
-
(IP-ADV
(NP-SBJ (D the) (NS problems)
(PP (P-ROLE of)
(NP (D the) (N reform) (N programme))))
(VBD;~La became)
(ADJP-PRD2
(ADVP (ADVR more))
(ADJ difficult))
(IP-INF-NSBJ (NP-LGS *) (TO to) (VB contain)))
Tag extension -NSBJ marking a notional subject can also be seen when the clause has: (i) a subject marked -ESBJ occurring with existential there, as in (10.20); or (ii) a subject inherited from control, as with the environment created by the reduced relative clause (the IP-PPL under NP) in (10.21).
- (10.20)
-
(IP-MAT (EX There) (BEP;~La are)
(ADJP-PRD2 (ADJ;_cat_ bound)
(IP-INF (TO to) (BE;~ex_V be)))
(NP-ESBJ (NS demonstrations)))
- (10.21)
-
(NP (D the)
(ADJP (ADJ increasing))
(NS numbers)
(PP (P-ROLE of)
(NP
(ADJP (ADJ young))
(NS intellectuals)))
(IP-PPL
(ILYR
(ILYR (VAG taking)
(NP-OB1 (N part)))
(CONJP (CONJ and)
(ILYR
(ADVP-NIM-MOD (ADV more_importantly))
(PUNC ,)
(VAG;~Tt failing)
(IP-INF-OB1 (TO to) (VB;~I return)))))))
Note the presence of the ILYR layer in (10.20). With this annotation, the ILYR projection functions as a direct embedding of the layer that contains it, so that all other content of the containing layer scopes over the ILYR, as if the ILYR had final placement within its containing layer. This allows the -ESBJ subject to scope into the ILYR.
In (10.22) ILYR is needed to ensure that the the existential subject (NP-ESBJ) can contribute its role.
- (10.22)
-
(NP-PRD2
(ADJP (ADJ small))
(NS stations)
(IP-REL
(ADVP-NIM-LOC (RADV where))
(EX there)
(BEP;~La are)
(ADJP-PRD2 (ADJ;_cat_ likely)
(IP-INF (TO to) (BE;~ex_V be)))
(NP-ESBJ
(ADJP (ADJ few))
(NS suspects))))
Note the use of IP-INF3 in (10.23) to block control.
- (10.23)
-
(IP-MAT
(NP-SBJ
(NP-GENV (PRO;_genm_ his))
(N place))
(BEP;~Ipr is)
(PP-CLR-PRD2 (P-ROLE at)
(NP (D the) (N sideboard)))
(PP-SCON-CNT
(IP-INF3 (TO to) (VB;~Tn serve)
(NP-OB1 (D the) (NS wines)))))
Control into a adverbial clause prior to the main clause subject and containing a tough-construction:
Example (10.24) illustrates conjuncts with no control, control with a tough-construction, and control with catenative seems.
- (10.24)
-
(IP-MAT
(NP-SBJ (D the) (N approach))
(ILYR
(ILYR (BEP;~La is)
(ADJP-PRD2 (ADJ plausible)))
(PUNC ,)
(CONJP
(ILYR
(ADJP-PRD2 (ADJ easy))
(IP-INF-NSBJ (NP-LGS *) (TO to) (VB;~Tn apply))))
(CONJP (CONJ and)
(ILYR (VBP;~cat_Vt seems)
(IP-INF-CAT (TO to) (VB;~I work))))))
Example (10.25) has control into a notional object.
- (10.25)
-
(ILYR
(NP-SBJ (PRO I))
(VBP leave)
(NP-OB1 (PRO;_provisional_ it))
(PP-CLR (P-ROLE to)
(NP (D the) (NS statisticians)))
(IP-INF-NOB1 (TO to) (VB say)
(CP-QUE-OB1
(IP-SUB
(NP-PRD2 (WPRO what))
(NP-SBJ (PRO they))
(BED;~Ln were)))))
10.6 Preventing control
Prevention of subject control is achieved by adding ‘3’ to the label of the highest level of the clause into which control needs to be blocked. For example, (10.26) has IP-PPL3-OB1 to prevent the clouds from being the subject of bombing.
- (10.26)
-
(IP-MAT
(NP-SBJ (D The)
(ADJP (ADJ low))
(NS clouds))
(VBD;~Cn.a made)
(NP-OB1 (N bombing))
(ADJP-PRD (ADJ difficult)))
Example (10.27) has instances of IP-PPL3 to prevent control from the subject These into the complements of from and to.
- (10.27)
-
(IP-MAT
(NP-SBJ;{ISSUES} (D;_nphd_ These))
(ILYR
(ILYR (VBD;~Ipr ranged)
(PP-CLR-DIR (P-ROLE from)
(IP-PPL3 (VAG;~Tn costing)
(NP-OB1 (N playground) (N equipment))))
(PP-CLR-DIR (P-ROLE to)
(IP-PPL3 (VAG;~Tn monitoring)
(NP-OB1 (N street) (N lighting)))))
(PUNC ;)
(CONJP
(ILYR
(PP-NIM-DIR (P-ROLE from)
(IP-PPL3 (VAG;~Tn allocating)
(NP-OB1 (NS grants)
(PP (P-ROLE for)
(NP
(ADJP (ADJ local))
(NS projects))))))
(PP-NIM-DIR (P-ROLE to)
(IP-PPL3 (VAG;~Tn vetting)
(NP-OB1 (N planning) (NS applications))))))))
Example (10.28) contains an adverbial participle clause that contains a subject and so as is tagged IP-PPL3 (under PP-SCON-MNR function information) to ensure there is no control to disrupt the internal subject.
- (10.28)
-
(ILYR
(NP-SBJ (D a) (NUM second) (N tier))
(BEP;~cat_Ve_passive_ is)
(IP-PPL-CAT (NP-LGS *) (VVN laid)
(PP-NIM-LOC (P-ROLE over)
(NP (D;_nphd_ this))))
(PUNC ,)
(PP-SCON-CNT
(IP-PPL (VVN protected)
(PP-LGS (P-ROLE by)
(NP (D a) (N lath)))))
(PUNC ,)
(PP-SCON-ABS
(IP-PPL3
(NP-SBJ (D the) (N head)
(PP (P-ROLE of)
(NP (D the) (NUM second))))
(BAG;~cat_Ve_passive_ being)
(IP-PPL-CAT (NP-LGS *) (VVN laid)
(PP-NIM-DIR (P-ROLE to)
(NP (D the) (N bottom)
(PP (P-ROLE of)
(NP (D the) (NUM first)))))))))
Compare (10.29) where control is blocked because there is IP-PPL3 with (10.12) above where control happens because there is IP-PPL2.
- (10.29)
-
(IP-MAT
(PP-SCON-CNT-CND
(IP-PPL3 (VVN;~Cn.a left)
(ADJP-PRD (ADJ untreated))))
(PUNC ,)
(NP-SBJ (N mortality) (NS rates))
(MD;~cat_Vi can)
(IP-INF-CAT (VB;~Tn reach)
(NP-OB1 (NUM 20) (N <percnt>))))
For (10.30) control needs to be blocked with IP-PPL3 so that it can be an elided marriage that is arranged and not Edward.
- (10.30)
-
(IP-MAT
(PP-SCON-ABS
(IP-PPL3 (VVN;~Tn Arranged)
(PP-LGS (P-ROLE by)
(NP
(NP-GENV;{EDWARD+LEONORA} (PRO;_genm_ their))
(NS parents)))))
(PUNC ,)
(NP-SBJ;{EDWARD} (NPR Edward))
(BED;~cat_Ve_passive_ was)
(IP-PPL-CAT (NP-LGS *) (VVN married)
(PP-CLR (P-ROLE to)
(NP;{LEONORA} (NPR Leonora)))))
Control with PP-CLR as the controller:
- (10.31)
-
(IP-MAT
(NP-SBJ (D This) (N group))
(VBP;~Ipr pleads)
(PP-CLR (P-ROLE with)
(NP (D the) (N administration)))
(PP-SCON-CNT
(IP-INF (TO to) (PULQ <ldquo>) (VB give)
(NP-OB1 (Q no)
(ADJP (ADJR further))
(N support)))))
10.7 Anaphora
The annotation includes coreference information by adding witness information to the tag of a noun phrase (NP) level constituent. For a non-anaphoric noun phrase, the witness information provides type information for the discourse referent that the noun phrase serves to introduce. Witness information can can also be given to clause layers in which case it is used to type the discourse referent introduced by the local clause event. An anaphoric noun phrase that also has witness information can then be associated with any accessible discourse referent that has the same witness information.
Example (10.32) illustrates one anaphora with the witness information of ;{POSTCARDS}
- (10.32)
-
(IP-MAT
(PP-NIM-RST (P-ROLE In)
(IP-PPL3 (VAG;~Tn requesting)
(NP-OB1;{POSTCARDS} (NS postcards)
(IP-PPL (NP-LGS *) (VVN;~Dn.pr sent)
(PP-OB2 (P-ROLE to)
(NP (D this) (N program)))))))
(PUNC ,)
(NP-SBJ;{POSTCARDS} (NS ones)
(PP (P-ROLE from)
(NP
(ADJP (ADJ teenage))
(NS girls))))
(BEP;~Ln are)
(NP-PRD2 (D the)
(ADJP
(ADVP (ADVS most))
(ADJ numerous))))
Example (10.33) has pronoun it with the witness information of ;{DISAPPOINTMENT}.
- (10.33)
-
(ILYR
(NP-SBJ (PRO they))
(ILYR
(ILYR (BED;~cat_Ve_passive_ were)
(IP-PPL-CAT;{DISAPPOINTMENT} (VVN;~Tn disappointed))
(PUNC .))
(CONJP (CONJ And)
(ILYR (VBD;~Tt determined)
(IP-INF-OB1 (NEG not) (TO to) (VB;~Tn show)
(NP-OB1;{DISAPPOINTMENT} (PRO it)))))))
Example (10.34) has pronoun it with the witness information of ;{LISTEN}.
- (10.34)
-
(ILYR
(ILYR;{LISTEN}
(NP-SBJ (PRO you))
(MD;~cat_Vi could)
(IP-INF-CAT (VB listen)
(PP-CLR (P-ROLE to)
(NP (D the) (N news)))
(PP-NIM-LOC (P-ROLE on)
(NP (D the) (N telly)))))
(CONJP (CONJ and)
(ILYR
(NP-SBJ;{LISTEN} (PRO it))
(MD;~cat_Vi would)
(NEG;_clitic_ n<apos>t)
(IP-INF-CAT (VB;~Ln make)
(NP-PRD2 (D any) (N difference))))))
Example (10.35) has demonstrative pronoun this with the witness information of ;{MOVEMENTS}. There is annotation to construct a discourse referent with NP-DSC (DSC=discourse element) built from the projection of three zero pronoun elements that link to prior clause layer witnesses: ;{MOVE1}=an event for the first move, ;{KICK}=an event for kick, and ;{MOVE2}=an event for the second move.
- (10.35)
-
(ILYR
(ILYR
(NP-SBJ (PRO you))
(ILYR;{MOVEMENTS}
(ILYR (VBP;~Tn.p move)
(NP-OB1
(NP-GENV (PRO;_genm_ your))
(NLYR
(NLYR (NS legs))
(CONJP (CONJ and)
(NLYR (NS arms)))))
(ADVP-CLR-DIR (ADV forward)))
(PUNC ,)
(CONJP
(ILYR (VBP;~Tn.p kick)
(NP-OB1
(NP-GENV (PRO;_genm_ your))
(NS legs))
(ADVP-CLR-DIR (RP out))))
(CONJP (CONJ and)
(ILYR (VBP;~Tn.p move)
(NP-OB1
(NP-GENV (PRO;_genm_ your))
(NS hands))
(ADVP-CLR-DIR (ADV round))))))
(PUNC ,)
(CONJP (CONJ and)
(ILYR
(ADVP-NIM-CNT (ADV then))
(NP-SBJ (PRO you))
(DOP;~Tn do)
(NP-OB1;{MOVEMENTS} (D;_nphd_ this))
(ADVP-NIM-TMP (ADV again)))))