Prior to this chapter, the examples of annotation have avoided the need for indexing. This chapter extends coverage to data where full analysis can require indexing. Indexing is required when there is structural analysis that places an element at one layer but really its content contribution is needed at another layer. This arises with instances of (leftward) displacement in:
Rightward displacement can also necessitate indexing, as seen with:
A declarative is a basic matrix clause (see section 4.2.1). This section notes how displacement is annotated when occurring within a declarative.
If displacement can keep to the same structural layer, then there is no need for indexing. For example, (9.1) illustrates displacement with its sentence initial object.
The canonical position for the object of a clause with a [Cn.n] main verb is just after the main verb (Cf. section 7.6.2). As a basic matrix clause with a present tense main ([Cn.n]) verb, (9.1) has only the one clause layer (IP-MAT), and so, despite the displacement, the object with clause initial placement remains at the same structural layer as its verb.
| *ICH* | abbreviation mnemonic for ‘interpret constituent here’ |
If displacement crosses structural layers, then indexing with *ICH* of Table 9.62 is needed to mark the point where the function contribution is needed. For example, (9.2) has a sentence initial displaced object with indexing.
While the displaced object of (9.2) occurs internally to a sentence with a single clause, this clause contains a verb sequence that places the main verb inside a distinct IP-PPL-CAT layer. Annotation for the object role contribution needs to occur at the layer of the main ([Tn]) verb: This is accomplished with the placement of the object role information within the IP-PPL-CAT layer together with an instance of *ICH* that shares an index with the displaced object. The displaced object carries no function information itself, but rather its function marking resides directly above the *ICH* with which it shares its index.
Example (9.3) illustrates an initial noun phrase that contributes the complement of a preposition phrase that is within an embedded clause. A clause boundary is crossed, making this a long-distance displacement, a dependency that can only be captured through annotation with indexing due to its parts needing to be in distinct clause layers.
Another example:
Another example:
Note that the subject of (9.2), while also occurring outside the IP-PPL-CAT layer, does not require indexing in the way that the object does. This is because the subject contribution of a main verb in a verb sequence is automatically inherited from the configuration of control (see section 10.5 below for a discussion of how control works). While typically subjects will not need indexing, this is not always the case. For example, (9.6) contains a matrix subject (the Fool) that has undergone subject-verb inversion but needs to have its content contribution indicated with indexing at a point that is above the and conjunction.
As with declaratives, the need for indexing with constituent questions only arises when layers are crossed. For example, consider (9.7), which involves a matrix constituent question with a further constituent question inside a parenthetical: The matrix constituent question of (9.7) has an initial object WH expression of a single IP layer, requiring no indexing. Inside the parenthetical of (9.7), the displaced WH expression is the complement of a preposition phrase and so layers are crossed to establish the dependency with the complement position, requiring indexing.
Example (9.8) illustrates a long distance dependency with a clause boundary crossed involving a displaced adverb phrase with a WH expression.
Note how indexing is required and how the function marking for the adverb phrase resides directly above the *ICH* with which the adverb phrase shares its index.
Typically found within a noun phrase, a relative clause is a clause that is itself a modifier of an external head with the further property that the modified external head contributes a role within the relative clause. This necessitates the wherewithal to integrate the internal role, which is discussed in section 9.4.1. Section 9.4.2 distinguishes different kinds of relative clauses.
Internal role integration for a relative clause occurs in one of three ways:
When the internal role of a relative clause is integrated with a relative pronoun (RPRO), the relative pronoun needs to have an initial placement within the relative clause. This will involve displacement when the relative pronoun is not part of the topmost subject of the relative clause.
With displacement, there is only need for indexing with *ICH* when layers are crossed. Example (9.9) illustrates a case needing multiple instances of indexed *ICH* because of the branching of structure that occurs with coordination. Also note how the links of (9.9) are to different roles, object (-OB1) for the first conjunct and the respect adverbial function (-RST) for the second conjunct. While links into distinct conjuncts needn't be the same, it is usual for a link of some kind to be needed with each conjunct.
In (9.9) the displaced initial element of the relative clause is comprised only of the relative pronoun, but it is also possible for the relative pronoun to be part of a larger initial element, to form a construction known as pied-piping. For example, in (9.10) the relative pronoun is the complement of a preposition headed by of that is the modifier of a noun phrase that is the complement of a preposition phrase headed by through that is the displaced element of the relative clause with initial position. The directional adverbial role (-DIR) served by this displaced preposition phrase remains at the same layer as its place of interpretation integration and so there is no need for indexing.
As with the pied-piping of (9.10), the occurrence of the relativised element as a relativised determiner (RD) requires it to be part of a larger phrase with initial placement in the relative clause. For example, (9.11) has an RD that is part of a noun phrase that is the complement of a preposition phrase headed by in. The manner adverbial function (-MNR) served by this relative clause initial preposition phrase remains at the same layer as its place of interpretation integration and so there is no need for indexing.
Occurrence of the relativised element as a relativised adverb (RADV) is illustrated in (9.12).
A trace *T* indicates the existence of an empty position in a relative clause that is the location for internal role integration. What is essential is that the trace occurs somewhere under the relevant layer of integration. As a default, initial placement is favoured. For long distance connections, since the trace will occur at the layer where its contribution is integrated, indexing is never required.
Traces are not limited to core grammatical roles: Traces can indicate the presence of empty adjunct positions as well as empty argument positions. For example, (9.13) illustrates integration with the contingency adverbial role (-CNT).
In example (9.14), there is trace integration with object role (-OB1) for three conjuncts. In this annotation, the trace is located outside the coordination so that it can be inherited by each of the conjuncts.
When there is coordination with conjuncts that require integration with different roles, then each conjunct needs its own trace, as in (9.15).
A resumptive pronoun is the overt realisation of a trace like element as a pronoun. A resumptive pronoun is ‘trace like’ in the sense that it serves to pick up for integration into the relative clause the relative clause head content. Typically this occurs from a deeply embedded position of the relative clause, and in co-occurrence with a relative clause initial relative pronoun. We can capture a mechanism for establishing the relative clause link with the extra role tag of Table 9.63. The idea is that the content of a noun phrase tagged with the -DSC extension is sent to the discourse context where it becomes available as an antecedent for a subsequent pronoun occurrence.
| NP-DSC | make accessible a discourse referent |
Having -DSC allows annotation like (9.16), where there is a relative pronoun to send the head referent content to the discourse context, and a resumptive pronoun to pick up the established antecedent, with resolution of the pronoun assured by the presence of witness information (see section 10.7 where anaphora resolution is discussed).
Also works with a definite descrtiption as the resumptive element, as (9.17) shows.
In addition to characterising how integration of the internal role happens, the form of the overall clause can also vary, with Table 9.64 presenting the possible options.
| IP-REL | relative clause |
| IP-INF-REL | infinitive relative clause |
| IP-EOP | empty operator clause |
| IP-CAR | clause adjoined relative clause |
So far we have seen relatives clauses with a topmost layer labelled IP-REL. The remainder of this section illustrates relative clauses with topmost layers involving the other tags of Table 9.64.
When the relative clause is an infinitive relative clause, it is a to-infinitive clause tagged (IP-INF-REL). It has to contain a relativised element that can only be a trace (*T*) with a non-subject role.
It is possible for an optional subject to occur inside an infinitive relative clause provided this is introduced by for tagged as a connective particle (P-CONN), as in (9.19).
An empty operator relative clause is a noun modifier with material for possibly multiple clause level elements that includes an element capable of taking on the subject predicative function (-PRD2), but where there is no verb and where the subject is the relativised element as a trace (*T*). For example, the empty operator relative clause of (9.20) has material for an adverb phrase with manner function and a noun phrase with subject predicative function.
A clause adjoined relative clause (IP-CAR) is a clause that is internally a relative that occurs as a sentence level element (so directly under an IP or ILYR node). This kind of relative clause must contain an initial relativised element that contains an overt relative word (that cannot be that) that serves as a bridge to connect the action of the containing clause to an internal role of the relative clause. For example, in (9.21) it is the monster facing that connects as the subject of what can be overwhelming.
Free relatives are also called headless relative clauses. They act externally as noun phrases and yet internally are comprised of only content for a relative clause. To reflect the external behaviour, free relatives are annotated with topmost NP labelled structure which can take the usual functional extensions of a noun phrase. This top level contains as its only element an IP-REL with the relative clause content. Most notably, there is no nominal head. The other notable property is that the relative clause must contain an initial element with an overt relative word (either: an RPRO but not that, or an RD, or an RADV). The range of possible relative words is broader than for an ordinary relative clauses, including the option for words with ever: however, whatever, whenever, wherever, whichever, whoever, and whomsoever.
Example (9.22) illustrates a free relative that externally has subject function and internally contains the RPRO word Whatever with object function.
Example (9.23) illustrates a free relative that externally has object function and internally contains the RD word What of a noun phrase with object function.
Example (9.24) illustrates a free relative that externally has a directional adverbial function and internally contains the RADV word where of an adverb phrase with location role.
The than or as of a comparative is tagged P-ROLE to act as the head of PP structure with a noun phrase complement. When the content that follows than or as is a clause, it is given the same structure as a free relative, so an IP-REL structure that is the only element of the noun phrase complement. The notable difference from free relatives is that there is no relative pronoun. Rather the internal link of the contained relative clause structure is established with a trace element (*T*).
Fully articulated free relative clause structure is also possible as the complement of than.
| -FOC | tag extension marking the focus of a cleft construction |
| IP-CLF | focus complement of cleft construction |
A clause can be clefted, i.e. divided into two parts, each with its own verb. The focus of a cleft construction is labeled with the -FOC tag extension (Table 9.65). The focus complement clause is labelled IP-CLF (Table 9.66). There also needs to be an it tagged PRO;_cleft_ as the introductory subject of a cleft construction. Internally, the cleft complement has the form of a relative clause, which can involve an external link established with a relative pronoun, as in (9.28), or a trace, as in (9.29).
cf. The firing came from here.
cf. What were you so interested in?
Example (9.30) isn't an it cleft, but rather there is a provisional subject it and an extraposed subject that is an embedded question clause.
Right node raising occurs when: (i) there is coordination, and (ii) there is an element to the right of the coordination that has a place of interpretation inside each of the conjuncts of the coordination. For example, (9.31) illustrates right node raising internal to a noun phrase. The right node raised element is marked with the extension tag -RNR.
Example (9.32) illustrates right node raising internal to a clause.
When the right node raised element is a pronoun, then indexing is required, as in (9.33).
In (9.34), there is clause level coordination that will inherit multiple right-node-raised elements with different internal functions inside the conjuncts.
Extrapositioning is the rightward displacement of a structural element. Indexing is not required when the displacement is part of a set construction with a provisional element, as when the displaced element is a notional subject or object. For cases that are not part of a set construction with a provisional element, rightward displacement can only be captured in the annotation with indexing.
In (9.35), tag extension -NSBJ marks an extraposed subject occurring in a clause with provisional subject it tagged PRO;_provisional_.
In (9.36), -NSBJ occurs in a clause together with a provisional element that is a derived subject marked -SBJ and so not distinguished independently of the construction.
In (9.37), tag extension -NOB1 marks an extraposed object occurring in a clause with provisional object it tagged PRO;_provisional_.
In (9.38), the extraposed element is a relative clause introduced with the relative pronoun that.
In (9.39), the extraposed element is a relative clause introduced with the relative pronoun which.
In (9.40), the extraposed element is an as-phrase with free relative complement.
In (9.41), there is extrapositioning of a to-infinitive clause inside an extraposed relative clause.
In (9.42), the extraposed element is a the conjunct of a coordination.
Another example: