Displacements
9.1 Introduction
Prior to this chapter, the examples of annotation have avoided the need for indexing. This chapter extends coverage to data where full analysis can require indexing. Indexing is required when there is structural analysis that places an element at one layer but really its content contribution is needed at another layer. This arises with instances of (leftward) displacement in:
- declaratives (sections 9.2)
- constituent questions (section 9.3)
- relative clauses (section 9.4)
- free relatives (section 9.5)
- comparatives (section 9.6)
- it-clefts (section 9.7)
Rightward displacement can also necessitate indexing, as seen with:
- right node raising (section 9.8)
- extrapositioning (section 9.9)
9.2 Displacement in declaratives
A declarative is a basic matrix clause (see section 4.2.1). This section notes how displacement is annotated when occurring within a declarative.
9.2.1 Keeping to the same structural layer
If displacement can keep to the same structural layer, then there is no need for indexing. For example, (9.1) illustrates displacement with its sentence initial object.
- (9.1)
-
IP-MAT,NP-TPC-OB1,D,This
IP-MAT,NP-TPC-OB1,N,disparity
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,NPR,Smith
IP-MAT,VBP;~Cn.n,terms
IP-MAT,NP-PRD,D,the
IP-MAT,NP-PRD,PULQ,<lsquo>
IP-MAT,NP-PRD,N,rent
IP-MAT,NP-PRD,PUNC,<hyphen>
IP-MAT,NP-PRD,N,gap
IP-MAT,NP-PRD,PURQ,<rsquo>
ID,13_lucy_student_e97
The canonical position for the object of a clause with a [Cn.n] main verb is just after the main verb (Cf. section 7.6.2). As a basic matrix clause with a present tense main ([Cn.n]) verb, (9.1) has only the one clause layer (IP-MAT), and so, despite the displacement, the object with clause initial placement remains at the same structural layer as its verb.
9.2.2 Crossing structural layers
Table 9.61: Indexed *ICH* null element marking
| *ICH* | abbreviation mnemonic for ‘interpret constituent here’ |
If displacement crosses structural layers, then indexing with *ICH* of Table 9.61 is needed to mark the point where the function contribution is needed. For example, (9.2) has a sentence initial displaced object with indexing.
- (9.2)
-
IP-MAT,NP-TPC-143,D,The
IP-MAT,NP-TPC-143,N,story
IP-MAT,NP-TPC-143,IP-REL,NP-OB1,RPRO,which
IP-MAT,NP-TPC-143,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,NPR,Fred
IP-MAT,NP-TPC-143,IP-REL,VBD;~Tn,published
IP-MAT,NP-TPC-143,IP-REL,PP-TMP,P-ROLE,in
IP-MAT,NP-TPC-143,IP-REL,PP-TMP,NP,NUM,1923
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,PRO,he
IP-MAT,HVD;~cat_Ve,had
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-OB1,*ICH*-143
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-CAT,VVN;~Tn,written
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-CAT,PP-TMP,P-ROLE,before
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-CAT,PP-TMP,NP,NUM,1910
ID,692_x_blue_book
While the displaced object of (9.2) occurs internally to a sentence with a single clause, this clause contains a verb sequence that places the main verb inside a distinct IP-PPL-CAT layer. Annotation for the object role contribution needs to occur at the layer of the main ([Tn]) verb: This is accomplished with the placement of the object role information within the IP-PPL-CAT layer together with an instance of *ICH* that shares an index with the displaced object. The displaced object carries no function information itself, but rather its function marking resides directly above the *ICH* with which it shares its index.
Example (9.3) illustrates an initial noun phrase that contributes the complement of a preposition phrase that is within an embedded clause. A clause boundary is crossed, making this a long-distance displacement, a dependency that can only be captured through annotation with indexing due to its parts needing to be in distinct clause layers.
- (9.3)
-
IP-MAT,NP-221,NLYR,NLYR,NP,N,hundred
IP-MAT,NP-221,NLYR,NLYR,CONJP,CONJ,and
IP-MAT,NP-221,NLYR,NLYR,CONJP,NP,NUM,twenty
IP-MAT,NP-221,N,thousand
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,PRO,I
IP-MAT,VBP,think
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,NP-SBJ,PRO,it
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,BEP,<apos>s
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,PP-LOC,P-ROLE,on
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,PP-LOC,NP,*ICH*-221
ID,375_christine_t07
Another example:
- (9.4)
-
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-TPC-198,VAG;~Ipr,Moving
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-TPC-198,PP-CLR-DIR,P-ROLE,past
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-TPC-198,PP-CLR-DIR,NP,NLYR,NP,D,the
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-TPC-198,PP-CLR-DIR,NP,NLYR,NP,ADJP,ADJ,presidential
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-TPC-198,PP-CLR-DIR,NP,NLYR,NP,IP-PPL,VAG;~I,viewing
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-TPC-198,PP-CLR-DIR,NP,NLYR,NP,N,stand
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-TPC-198,PP-CLR-DIR,NP,NLYR,CONJP,CONJ,and
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-TPC-198,PP-CLR-DIR,NP,NLYR,CONJP,NP,NPR,Lafayette
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-TPC-198,PP-CLR-DIR,NP,NLYR,CONJP,NP,N,Square
IP-MAT,MD;~cat_Vi,will
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,BE;~cat_Vg,be
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,IP-PPL-CAT,*ICH*-198
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,NLYR,ADVP,ADV,at_least
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,NLYR,NUM,40
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,IP-PPL,VAG;~I,marching
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,NS,units
ID,29_susanne_a08
Another example:
- (9.5)
-
IP-MAT,NP-TPC-190,NP-GENV,PRO;_ppge_,hers
IP-MAT,MD;~cat_Vi,must
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,BE;~Ln,be
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,NP-PRD,*ICH*-190
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,D,the
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,ADJP,ADJ,final
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,N,act
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,PP,P-ROLE,of
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,PP,NP,N,expiation
ID,17_susanne_n08
9.2.3 Indexing with subjects
Note that the subject of (9.2), while also occurring outside the IP-PPL-CAT layer, does not require indexing in the way that the object does. This is because the subject contribution of a main verb in a verb sequence is automatically inherited from the configuration of control (see section 10.5 below for a discussion of how control works). While typically subjects will not need indexing, this is not always the case. For example, (9.6) contains a matrix subject (the Fool) that has undergone subject-verb inversion but needs to have its content contribution indicated with indexing at a point that is above the and conjunction.
- (9.6)
-
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,*ICH*-161
IP-MAT,ILYR,ILYR,ADVP-CLR-DIR,ADV,along
IP-MAT,ILYR,ILYR,VBP;~Ip,comes
IP-MAT,ILYR,ILYR,NP-161,D,the
IP-MAT,ILYR,ILYR,NP-161,N,Fool
IP-MAT,ILYR,ILYR,NP-161,PP,P-ROLE,with
IP-MAT,ILYR,ILYR,NP-161,PP,NP,NP-GENV,NP-GENV,PRO;_genm_,his
IP-MAT,ILYR,ILYR,NP-161,PP,NP,NP-GENV,N,pig
IP-MAT,ILYR,ILYR,NP-161,PP,NP,NP-GENV,GENM,<apos>s
IP-MAT,ILYR,ILYR,NP-161,PP,NP,N,bladder
IP-MAT,ILYR,CONJP,CONJ,and
IP-MAT,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,VBP;~Tn,whops
IP-MAT,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,NP-OB1,PRO,you
IP-MAT,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,PP-LOC,P-ROLE,on
IP-MAT,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,PP-LOC,NP,D,the
IP-MAT,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,PP-LOC,NP,N,nose
ID,68_lucy_bnc_c02
9.3 Constituent questions
As with declaratives, the need for indexing with constituent questions only arises when layers are crossed. For example, consider (9.7), which involves a matrix constituent question with a further constituent question inside a parenthetical: The matrix constituent question of (9.7) has an initial object WH expression of a single IP layer, requiring no indexing. Inside the parenthetical of (9.7), the displaced WH expression is the complement of a preposition phrase and so layers are crossed to establish the dependency with the complement position, requiring indexing.
- (9.7)
-
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,NP-PRD2,WPRO,what
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,BEP;~Ln,is
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,NP-SBJ,D;_nphd_,that
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,PRN,CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,NP-183,WPRO,what
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,PRN,CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,BEP,<apos>s
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,PRN,CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,NP-SBJ,PRO,it
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,PRN,CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,PP-RST,P-ROLE,about
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,PRN,CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,PP-RST,NP,*ICH*-183
CP-QUE-MAT,PUNC,?
ID,429_christine_t35
Example (9.8) illustrates a long distance dependency with a clause boundary crossed involving a displaced adverb phrase with a WH expression.
- (9.8)
-
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,ADVP-185,ADVP,WADV,how
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,ADVP-185,ADV,long
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,DOD,did
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,NP-SBJ,N,daddy
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,VBP,say
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,NP-SBJ,PRO,he
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,BED;~cat_Vg,was
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,IP-PPL-CAT,VAG;~cat_Vt,gon
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,IP-PPL-CAT,IP-INF-CAT,TO,na
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,IP-PPL-CAT,IP-INF-CAT,BE,be
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,IP-PPL-CAT,IP-INF-CAT,ADVP-TMP,*ICH*-185
CP-QUE-MAT,PUNC,?
ID,530_christine_t33
Note how indexing is required and how the function marking for the adverb phrase resides directly above the *ICH* with which the adverb phrase shares its index.
9.4 Relative clauses
Typically found within a noun phrase, a relative clause is a clause that is itself a modifier of an external head with the further property that the modified external head contributes a role within the relative clause. This necessitates the wherewithal to integrate the internal role, which is discussed in section 9.4.1. Section 9.4.2 distinguishes different kinds of relative clauses.
9.4.1 Integration of the internal role
Internal role integration for a relative clause occurs in one of three ways:
- (i)
- with a relative pronoun of which there are various kinds with varying placement requirements (RPRO discussed in section 9.4.1.1, RD discussed in section 9.4.1.2, or RADV discussed in section 9.4.1.3)
- (ii)
- through the complete absence of a nevertheless selected element internal to the relative clause, represented in the annotation with a trace (*T*), discussed in section 9.4.1.4
- (iii)
- although rare in English, a further option for integration is to have a pronoun (PRO) integrating the content of the modified head, called a resumptive pronoun, discussed in section 9.4.1.5
When the internal role of a relative clause is integrated with a relative pronoun (RPRO), the relative pronoun needs to have an initial placement within the relative clause. This will involve displacement when the relative pronoun is not part of the topmost subject of the relative clause.
With displacement, there is only need for indexing with *ICH* when layers are crossed. Example (9.9) illustrates a case needing multiple instances of indexed *ICH* because of the branching of structure that occurs with coordination. Also note how the links of (9.9) are to different roles, object (-OB1) for the first conjunct and the respect adverbial function (-RST) for the second conjunct. While links into distinct conjuncts needn't be the same, it is usual for a link of some kind to be needed with each conjunct.
- (9.9)
-
NP,D;_nphd_,someone
NP,IP-REL,NP-161,RPRO,who
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,PRO,you
NP,IP-REL,ILYR,ILYR,HVP;~cat_Ve,have
NP,IP-REL,ILYR,ILYR,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-OB1,*ICH*-161
NP,IP-REL,ILYR,ILYR,IP-PPL-CAT,NEG,not
NP,IP-REL,ILYR,ILYR,IP-PPL-CAT,VVN;~Tn,known
NP,IP-REL,ILYR,ILYR,IP-PPL-CAT,PP-TMP,P-ROLE,for
NP,IP-REL,ILYR,ILYR,IP-PPL-CAT,PP-TMP,ADVP,ADVP,ADV,very
NP,IP-REL,ILYR,ILYR,IP-PPL-CAT,PP-TMP,ADVP,ADV,long
NP,IP-REL,ILYR,PUNC,<comma>
NP,IP-REL,ILYR,CONJP,CONJ,and
NP,IP-REL,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,DOP,do
NP,IP-REL,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,NEG,not
NP,IP-REL,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,VB;~Tn,know
NP,IP-REL,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,NP-OB1,ADJP,ADJ,much
NP,IP-REL,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,PP-RST,P-ROLE,about
ID,41_lucy_bnc_b33
In (9.9) the displaced initial element of the relative clause is comprised only of the relative pronoun, but it is also possible for the relative pronoun to be part of a larger initial element, to form a construction known as pied-piping. For example, in (9.10) the relative pronoun is the complement of a preposition headed by of that is the modifier of a noun phrase that is the complement of a preposition phrase headed by through that is the displaced element of the relative clause with initial position. The directional adverbial role (-DIR) served by this displaced preposition phrase remains at the same layer as its place of interpretation integration and so there is no need for indexing.
- (9.10)
-
NP,NUM,two
NP,NS,points
NP,PUNC,<comma>
NP,NLYR,NLYR,NP,FO,<formul>
NP,NLYR,NLYR,CONJP,CONJ,and
NP,NLYR,NLYR,CONJP,NP,FO,<formul>
NP,PUNC,<comma>
NP,IP-REL,PP-DIR,P-ROLE,through
NP,IP-REL,PP-DIR,NP,Q;_nphd_,each
NP,IP-REL,PP-DIR,NP,PP,P-ROLE,of
NP,IP-REL,PP-DIR,NP,PP,NP,RPRO,which
NP,IP-REL,VBP,passes
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,D,a
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,ADJP,ADJ,unique
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,N,generator
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,PP,P-ROLE,of
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,PP,NP,D,the
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,PP,NP,N,regulus
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,PP,NP,PUNC,<comma>
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,PP,NP,FO,<formul>
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,PUNC,<comma>
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,NP-GENV,RPRO;_genm_,whose
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,NS,lines
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,IP-REL,BEP;~Ln,are
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,IP-REL,NP-PRD2,ADJP,ADJ,simple
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,IP-REL,NP-PRD2,NS,secants
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,IP-REL,NP-PRD2,PP,P-ROLE,of
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,IP-REL,NP-PRD2,PP,NP,FO,g
ID,8_susanne_j21
As with the pied-piping of (9.10), the occurrence of the relativised element as a relativised determiner (RD) requires it to be part of a larger phrase with initial placement in the relative clause. For example, (9.11) has an RD that is part of a noun phrase that is the complement of a preposition phrase headed by in. The manner adverbial function (-MNR) served by this relative clause initial preposition phrase remains at the same layer as its place of interpretation integration and so there is no need for indexing.
- (9.11)
-
IP-INF-NSBJ,TO,to
IP-INF-NSBJ,DO,do
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,D,the
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,NS,honours
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,PP,P-ROLE,as
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,PP,NP,N,host
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,PP,NP,PUNC,<comma>
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,PP,NP,IP-REL,PP-MNR,P-ROLE,in
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,PP,NP,IP-REL,PP-MNR,NP,RD,which
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,PP,NP,IP-REL,PP-MNR,NP,N,capacity
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,PP,NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,PRO,he
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,PP,NP,IP-REL,VBD,held
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,PP,NP,IP-REL,NP-OB1,D,a
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,PP,NP,IP-REL,NP-OB1,N,reception
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,PP,NP,IP-REL,ADVP-TMP,ADV,tonight
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,PP,NP,IP-REL,PP-LOC,P-ROLE,in
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,PP,NP,IP-REL,PP-LOC,NP,NP-GENV,NPR,Accra
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,PP,NP,IP-REL,PP-LOC,NP,NP-GENV,GENM,<apos>s
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,PP,NP,IP-REL,PP-LOC,NP,NPR,Ambassador
IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,PP,NP,IP-REL,PP-LOC,NP,N,Hotel
ID,48_a_lob_a02
Occurrence of the relativised element as a relativised adverb (RADV) is illustrated in (9.12).
- (9.12)
-
NP,D,the
NP,ADJP,ADJ,lateral
NP,N,hypothalamus
NP,N;@4,region
NP,PP,P-ROLE,of
NP,PP,NP,D,the
NP,PP,NP,N,brain
NP,IP-REL,PP-178,P-ROLE,from
NP,IP-REL,PP-178,ADVP,RADV,where
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,D,a
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,ADJP,ADJ,hormonal
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,N,response
NP,IP-REL,BEP;~cat_Ve_passive_,is
NP,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,PP-DIR,*ICH*-178
NP,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-LGS,*
NP,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,VVN;~Tn.pr,initiated
ID,20_lucy_student_e62
9.4.1.4 Relative clause traces
A trace *T* indicates the existence of an empty position in a relative clause that is the location for internal role integration. What is essential is that the trace occurs somewhere under the relevant layer of integration. As a default, initial placement is favoured. For long distance connections, since the trace will occur at the layer where its contribution is integrated, indexing is never required.
Traces are not limited to core grammatical roles: Traces can indicate the presence of empty adjunct positions as well as empty argument positions. For example, (9.13) illustrates integration with the contingency adverbial role (-CNT).
- (9.13)
-
NP,N,reason
NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,PRO,I
NP,IP-REL,HVP;~cat_Ve,<apos>ve
NP,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-CNT,*T*
NP,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,VVN,got
NP,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-OB1,D,a
NP,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-OB1,ADJP,ADJ,big
NP,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-OB1,N,box
ID,62_christine_t16
In example (9.14), there is trace integration with object role (-OB1) for three conjuncts. In this annotation, the trace is located outside the coordination so that it can be inherited by each of the conjuncts.
- (9.14)
-
NP-SBJ,Q;_nphd_,Everything
NP-SBJ,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,Q;_nphd_,everyone
NP-SBJ,IP-REL,HVP;~cat_Ve,has
NP-SBJ,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,ILYR,ILYR,NP-OB1,*T*
NP-SBJ,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,ILYR,ILYR,VVN;~Tn,seen
NP-SBJ,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,ILYR,PUNC,<comma>
NP-SBJ,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,BEN;~cat_Ve_passive_,been
NP-SBJ,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-LGS,*
NP-SBJ,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-OB1,*T*
NP-SBJ,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,IP-PPL-CAT,VVN;~Dn.n,taught
NP-SBJ,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,ILYR,CONJP;@4,CONJ,and
NP-SBJ,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,ILYR,CONJP;@4,ILYR,NP-OB1,*T*
NP-SBJ,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,ILYR,CONJP;@4,ILYR,VVN;~Tn,experienced
ID,8_a_sunglasses_story
When there is coordination with conjuncts that require integration with different roles, then each conjunct needs its own trace, as in (9.15).
- (9.15)
-
NP-PRD2,D,the
NP-PRD2,N,land
NP-PRD2,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,PRO,he
NP-PRD2,IP-REL,HVD;~cat_Ve,had
NP-PRD2,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,ILYR,ILYR,NP-OB1,*T*
NP-PRD2,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,ILYR,ILYR,VVN,created
NP-PRD2,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,ILYR,CONJP,CONJ,and
NP-PRD2,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,VVN,lived
NP-PRD2,IP-REL,IP-PPL-CAT,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,PP-LOC,P-ROLE,in
ID,170_susanne_n02
9.4.1.5 Resumptive pronouns
A resumptive pronoun is the overt realisation of a trace like element as a pronoun. A resumptive pronoun is ‘trace like’ in the sense that it serves to pick up for integration into the relative clause the relative clause head content. Typically this occurs from a deeply embedded position of the relative clause, and in co-occurrence with a relative clause initial relative pronoun. We can capture a mechanism for establishing the relative clause link with the extra role tag of Table 9.62. The idea is that the content of a noun phrase tagged with the -DSC extension is sent to the discourse context where it becomes available as an antecedent for a subsequent pronoun occurrence.
Table 9.62: Tag for marking accessible a discourse referent
| NP-DSC | make accessible a discourse referent |
Having -DSC allows annotation like (9.16), where there is a relative pronoun to send the head referent content to the discourse context, and a resumptive pronoun to pick up the established antecedent, with resolution of the pronoun assured by the presence of witness information (see section 10.7 where anaphora resolution is discussed).
- (9.16)
-
IP-MAT,EX,There
IP-MAT,BEP;~ex_V,are
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,ADJP,ADJ,many
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,NS,works
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,IP-REL,NP-119,RPRO,that
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,IP-REL,ADVP-MOD,ADV,even
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,NS,experts
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,IP-REL,MD;~cat_Vi,can
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,IP-REL,NEG,not
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,IP-REL,IP-INF-CAT,NP-DSC,*ICH*-119
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,IP-REL,IP-INF-CAT,VB;~Tw,agree
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,IP-REL,IP-INF-CAT,CP-QUE-OB1,IP-SUB,ILYR,WQ,if
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,IP-REL,IP-INF-CAT,CP-QUE-OB1,IP-SUB,ILYR,ILYR,NP-SBJ,PRO,they
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,IP-REL,IP-INF-CAT,CP-QUE-OB1,IP-SUB,ILYR,ILYR,BEP;~Ln,are
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,IP-REL,IP-INF-CAT,CP-QUE-OB1,IP-SUB,ILYR,ILYR,ADVP-MOD,ADV,really
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,IP-REL,IP-INF-CAT,CP-QUE-OB1,IP-SUB,ILYR,ILYR,NP-PRD2,NP-GENV,PRO;_genm_,his
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,IP-REL,IP-INF-CAT,CP-QUE-OB1,IP-SUB,ILYR,ILYR,NP-PRD2,N,work
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,IP-REL,IP-INF-CAT,CP-QUE-OB1,IP-SUB,ILYR,CONJP,CONJ,or
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,IP-REL,IP-INF-CAT,CP-QUE-OB1,IP-SUB,ILYR,CONJP,NEG,not
ID,11_a_kyoto_1
9.4.2 Kinds of relative clauses
In addition to characterising how integration of the internal role happens, the form of the overall clause can also vary, with Table 9.63 presenting the possible options.
Table 9.63: Tags for different kinds of relative clause
| IP-REL | relative clause |
| IP-INF-REL | infinitive relative clause |
| IP-EOP | empty operator clause |
| IP-CAR | clause adjoined relative clause |
So far we have seen relatives clauses with a topmost layer labelled IP-REL. The remainder of this section illustrates relative clauses with topmost layers involving the other tags of Table 9.63.
9.4.2.1 Infinitive relative clauses
When the relative clause is an infinitive relative clause, it is a to-infinitive clause tagged (IP-INF-REL). It has to contain a relativised element that can only be a trace (*T*) with a non-subject role.
- (9.17)
-
NP-PRD2,D,the
NP-PRD2,ADJP,ADJ,right
NP-PRD2,N,thing
NP-PRD2,IP-INF-REL,NP-OB1,*T*,
NP-PRD2,IP-INF-REL,TO,to
NP-PRD2,IP-INF-REL,DO,do
ID,16_a_queen_broadcast
It is possible for an optional subject to occur inside an infinitive relative clause provided this is introduced by for tagged as a connective particle (P-CONN), as in (9.18).
- (9.18)
-
NP,NS,problems
NP,IP-INF-REL,NP-OB1,*T*,
NP,IP-INF-REL,P-CONN,for
NP,IP-INF-REL,NP-SBJ,D,the
NP,IP-INF-REL,NP-SBJ,N,body
NP,IP-INF-REL,TO,to
NP,IP-INF-REL,VB,tackle
ID,13_lucy_student_e63
9.4.2.2 Empty operator relative clauses
An empty operator relative clause is a noun modifier with material for possibly multiple clause level elements that includes an element capable of taking on the subject predicative function (-PRD2), but where there is no verb and where the subject is the relativised element as a trace (*T*). For example, the empty operator relative clause of (9.19) has material for an adverb phrase with manner function and a noun phrase with subject predicative function.
- (9.19)
-
NP-SBJ,D,The
NP-SBJ,NUM,two
NP-SBJ,NS,children
NP-SBJ,PUNC,<comma>
NP-SBJ,IP-EOP,NP-SBJ,*T*,
NP-SBJ,IP-EOP,ADVP-MNR,ADV,both
NP-SBJ,IP-EOP,NP-PRD2,NS,boys
ID,118_susanne_g04
9.4.2.3 Clause adjoined relative clauses
A clause adjoined relative clause (IP-CAR) is a clause that is internally a relative that occurs as a sentence level element (so directly under an IP or ILYR node). This kind of relative clause must contain an initial relativised element that contains an overt relative word (that cannot be that) that serves as a bridge to connect the action of the containing clause to an internal role of the relative clause. For example, in (9.20) it is the monster facing that connects as the subject of what can be overwhelming.
- (9.20)
-
IP-MAT,ADVP-TMP,ADV,Sometimes
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,PRO,you
IP-MAT,MD;~cat_Vi,<apos>ll
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,VB;~Tn,face
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,NP-OB1,NS,crowds
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,NP-OB1,PP,P-ROLE,of
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,NP-OB1,PP,NP,NS,monsters
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,PUNC,<comma>,
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,IP-CAR,NP-SBJ,RPRO,which
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,IP-CAR,MD;~cat_Vi,can
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,IP-CAR,IP-INF-CAT,ILYR,ILYR,BE;~cat_Vg,be
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,IP-CAR,IP-INF-CAT,ILYR,ILYR,IP-PPL-CAT,VAG;~I,overwhelming
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,IP-CAR,IP-INF-CAT,ILYR,CONJP,CONJ,and
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,IP-CAR,IP-INF-CAT,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,ADVP-CNT,ADV,also
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,IP-CAR,IP-INF-CAT,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,VB;~Tn,drain
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,IP-CAR,IP-INF-CAT,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,NP-OB1,NP-GENV,PRO;_genm_,your
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,IP-CAR,IP-INF-CAT,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,NP-OB1,N,ammo
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,IP-CAR,IP-INF-CAT,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,NP-OB1,NS,supplies
ID,43_a_freedoom
9.5 Free relatives
Free relatives are also called headless relative clauses. They act externally as noun phrases and yet internally are comprised of only content for a relative clause. To reflect the external behaviour, free relatives are annotated with topmost NP labelled structure which can take the usual functional extensions of a noun phrase. This top level contains as its only element an IP-REL with the relative clause content. Most notably, there is no nominal head. The other notable property is that the relative clause must contain an initial element with an overt relative word (either: an RPRO but not that, or an RD, or an RADV). The range of possible relative words is broader than for an ordinary relative clauses, including the option for words with ever: however, whatever, whenever, wherever, whichever, whoever, and whomsoever.
Example (9.21) illustrates a free relative that externally has subject function and internally contains the RPRO word Whatever with object function.
- (9.21)
-
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,IP-REL,NP-OB1,RPRO,Whatever
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,D,a
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,N,doctor
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,IP-REL,VBP;~Tn,hears
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,IP-REL,PP-DIR,P-ROLE,from
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,IP-REL,PP-DIR,NP,D,the
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,IP-REL,PP-DIR,NP,N,patient
IP-MAT,MD;~cat_Vi,must
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,BE;~cat_Ve_passive_,be
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-LGS,*
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,IP-PPL-CAT,VVN;~Cn.a,kept
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,IP-PPL-CAT,ADJP-PRD,ADJ,confidential
ID,7_lucy_student_e03
Example (9.22) illustrates a free relative that externally has object function and internally contains the RD word What of a noun phrase with object function.
- (9.22)
-
IP-MAT,NP-TPC-OB1,IP-REL,NP-OB1,RD,What
IP-MAT,NP-TPC-OB1,IP-REL,NP-OB1,IP-PPL,NP-LGS,*
IP-MAT,NP-TPC-OB1,IP-REL,NP-OB1,IP-PPL,VVN;~Tn,limited
IP-MAT,NP-TPC-OB1,IP-REL,NP-OB1,N,knowledge
IP-MAT,NP-TPC-OB1,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,PRO,he
IP-MAT,NP-TPC-OB1,IP-REL,VBD;~Tn,possessed
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,PRO,he
IP-MAT,VBD;~Tn.pr,forced
IP-MAT,PP-CLR,P-ROLE,upon
IP-MAT,PP-CLR,NP,PRO,me
ID,35_susanne_n06
Example (9.23) illustrates a free relative that externally has a directional adverbial function and internally contains the RADV word where of an adverb phrase with location role.
- (9.23)
-
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,PRO,We
IP-MAT,BEP;~cat_Vg,<apos>re
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-CAT,VAG;~Tn.p,putting
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-OB1,PRO,you
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-DIR,IP-REL,ADVP-LOC,RADV,where
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-DIR,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,PRO,you
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-DIR,IP-REL,MD;~cat_Vi,wo
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-DIR,IP-REL,NEG;_clitic_,n<apos>t
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-DIR,IP-REL,IP-INF-CAT,VB;~Ipr,come
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-DIR,IP-REL,IP-INF-CAT,PP-CLR-MNR,P-ROLE,to
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-DIR,IP-REL,IP-INF-CAT,PP-CLR-MNR,NP,N,harm
ID,159_susanne_n10
9.6 Comparatives
The than or as of a comparative is tagged P-ROLE to act as the head of PP structure with a noun phrase complement. When the content that follows than or as is a clause, it is given the same structure as a free relative, so an IP-REL structure that is the only element of the noun phrase complement. The notable difference from free relatives is that there is no relative pronoun. Rather the internal link of the contained relative clause structure is established with a trace element (*T*).
- (9.24)
-
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,PRO,I
IP-MAT,VBD,thought
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,NP-SBJ,PRO,I
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,HVD,had
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,NP-OB1,ADJP,ADJ,less
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,NP-OB1,ADJP,PP,P-ROLE,than
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,NP-OB1,ADJP,PP,NP,IP-REL,NP-OB1,*T*
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,NP-OB1,ADJP,PP,NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,PRO,I
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,NP-OB1,ADJP,PP,NP,IP-REL,ADVP-MOD,ADV,actually
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,NP-OB1,ADJP,PP,NP,IP-REL,HVD,had
ID,104_christine_t23
- (9.25)
-
ADJP-PRD2,ADVP,ADV,as
ADJP-PRD2,ADJ,poor
ADJP-PRD2,PP,P-ROLE,as
ADJP-PRD2,PP,NP,IP-REL,NP-PRD2,*T*
ADJP-PRD2,PP,NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,PRO,we
ADJP-PRD2,PP,NP,IP-REL,BEP;~Ln,are
ID,138_a_joyce_1914
Fully articulated free relative clause structure is also possible as the complement of than.
- (9.26)
-
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,PRO,it
IP-MAT,BEP;~Ipr,<apos>s
IP-MAT,PP-CLR-PRD2,P-ROLE,in
IP-MAT,PP-CLR-PRD2,NP,ADJP,ADJR,better
IP-MAT,PP-CLR-PRD2,NP,FLJ,bloody
IP-MAT,PP-CLR-PRD2,NP,N,nick
IP-MAT,PP-CLR-PRD2,NP,PP,P-ROLE,than
IP-MAT,PP-CLR-PRD2,NP,PP,NP,IP-REL,NP-PRD2,RPRO,what,
IP-MAT,PP-CLR-PRD2,NP,PP,NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,NP-GENV,PRO;_genm_,my
IP-MAT,PP-CLR-PRD2,NP,PP,NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,ADJP,ADJ,old
IP-MAT,PP-CLR-PRD2,NP,PP,NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,SYM,E
IP-MAT,PP-CLR-PRD2,NP,PP,NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,N,reg
IP-MAT,PP-CLR-PRD2,NP,PP,NP,IP-REL,BED;~Ln,was
ID,501_christine_t40
9.7 IP-CLF (it-cleft)
Table 9.64: Focus element
| -FOC | tag extension marking the focus of a cleft construction |
Table 9.65: Focus complement
| IP-CLF | focus complement of cleft construction |
A clause can be clefted, i.e. divided into two parts, each with its own verb. The focus of a cleft construction is labeled with the -FOC tag extension (Table 9.64). The focus complement clause is labelled IP-CLF (Table 9.65). There also needs to be an it tagged PRO;_cleft_ as the introductory subject of a cleft construction. Internally, the cleft complement has the form of a relative clause, which can involve an external link established with a relative pronoun, as in (9.27), or a trace, as in (9.28).
- (9.27)
-
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,PRO;_cleft_,it
IP-MAT,BED;~cleft_Vpr,was
IP-MAT,PP-FOC,P-ROLE,from
IP-MAT,PP-FOC,ADVP,ADV,here
IP-MAT,IP-CLF,NP-CLR-DIR,RPRO,that
IP-MAT,IP-CLF,NP-SBJ,D,the
IP-MAT,IP-CLF,NP-SBJ,N,firing
IP-MAT,IP-CLF,VBD;~Ipr,came
ID,254_a_dick_1952
cf. The firing came from here.
- (9.28)
-
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,NP-FOC,WPRO,what
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,BED;~cleft_Vn,was
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,NP-SBJ,PRO;_cleft_,it
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,IP-CLF,NP-SBJ,PRO,you
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,IP-CLF,BED;~La,were
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,IP-CLF,ADJP-PRD2,ADVP,ADV,so
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,IP-CLF,ADJP-PRD2,ADJ,interested
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,IP-CLF,ADJP-PRD2,PP,P-ROLE,in
CP-QUE-MAT,IP-SUB,IP-CLF,ADJP-PRD2,PP,NP,*T*
CP-QUE-MAT,PUNC,?
ID,142_a_dick_1952
cf. What were you so interested in?
Example (9.29) isn't an it cleft, but rather there is a provisional subject it and an extraposed subject that is an embedded question clause.
- (9.29)
-
IP-SUB,NP-SBJ,PRO;_provisional_,it
IP-SUB,BED;~La,was
IP-SUB,ADJP-PRD2,ADJ,funny
IP-SUB,PUNC,<comma>
IP-SUB,CP-QUE-NSBJ,IP-SUB,NP-1,WPRO,what
IP-SUB,CP-QUE-NSBJ,IP-SUB,NP-SBJ,PRO,he
IP-SUB,CP-QUE-NSBJ,IP-SUB,BED;~cat_Vg,was
IP-SUB,CP-QUE-NSBJ,IP-SUB,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-OB1,*ICH*-1
IP-SUB,CP-QUE-NSBJ,IP-SUB,IP-PPL-CAT,DAG;~Tn,doing
ID,50_lucy_bnc_c02
9.8 Right node raising
Right node raising occurs when: (i) there is coordination, and (ii) there is an element to the right of the coordination that has a place of interpretation inside each of the conjuncts of the coordination. For example, (9.30) illustrates right node raising internal to a noun phrase. The right node raised element is marked with the extension tag -RNR.
- (9.30)
-
NP,NLYR,NP,ADJP,ADJ,direct
NP,NLYR,NP,N,contact
NP,NLYR,NP,PP,P-ROLE,with
NP,NLYR,NP,PP,NP;{FOOD},PRO,_*_
NP,NLYR,CONJP,CONJ,or
NP,NLYR,CONJP,NP,N,consumption
NP,NLYR,CONJP,NP,PP,P-ROLE,of
NP,NLYR,CONJP,NP,PP,NP;{FOOD},PRO,_*_
NP,NP-RNR-DSC;{FOOD},N,food
ID,72_a_factbook_1_2010
Example (9.31) illustrates right node raising internal to a clause.
- (9.31)
-
IP-PPL2,ILYR,ILYR,VAG;~Tn,stuffing
IP-PPL2,ILYR,ILYR,NP-OB1;{PIPE},PRO,_*_
IP-PPL2,ILYR,CONJP,CONJ,and
IP-PPL2,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,VAG;~Ipr,dragging
IP-PPL2,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,PP-CLR,P-ROLE,on
IP-PPL2,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,PP-CLR,NP;{PIPE},PRO,_*_
IP-PPL2,NP-RNR-DSC;{PIPE},NP-GENV;{STEINBERG},PRO;_genm_,his
IP-PPL2,NP-RNR-DSC;{PIPE},N,pipe
ID,10_susanne_g06
When the right node raised element is a pronoun, then indexing is required, as in (9.32).
- (9.32)
-
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,PRO;_provisional_,it
IP-MAT,VBP,seems
IP-MAT,CP-THT-NSBJ,IP-SUB,ILYR,ILYR,NP-SBJ,PRO,you
IP-MAT,CP-THT-NSBJ,IP-SUB,ILYR,ILYR,VBP,think
IP-MAT,CP-THT-NSBJ,IP-SUB,ILYR,ILYR,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,NP-SBJ,PRO,I
IP-MAT,CP-THT-NSBJ,IP-SUB,ILYR,ILYR,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,VBD,saw
IP-MAT,CP-THT-NSBJ,IP-SUB,ILYR,ILYR,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,NP-OB1,*ICH*-182
IP-MAT,CP-THT-NSBJ,IP-SUB,ILYR,PUNC,<comma>
IP-MAT,CP-THT-NSBJ,IP-SUB,ILYR,CONJP,CONJ,but
IP-MAT,CP-THT-NSBJ,IP-SUB,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,NP-SBJ,PRO,I
IP-MAT,CP-THT-NSBJ,IP-SUB,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,DOD,did
IP-MAT,CP-THT-NSBJ,IP-SUB,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,NEG;_clitic_,n<apos>t
IP-MAT,CP-THT-NSBJ,IP-SUB,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,VB,see
IP-MAT,CP-THT-NSBJ,IP-SUB,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,NP-OB1,*ICH*-182
IP-MAT,CP-THT-NSBJ,IP-SUB,NP-RNR-182;{PERSON},PRO,her
ID,718_x_textbook_kisonihongo
In (9.33), there is clause level coordination that will inherit multiple right-node-raised elements with different internal functions inside the conjuncts.
- (9.33)
-
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,PRO,it
IP-MAT,DOP,does
IP-MAT,NEG,not
IP-MAT,VB,mean
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,C,that
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,NP-SBJ,D,an
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,NP-SBJ,ADJP,ADJ,enlightened
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,NP-SBJ,NPR,Zen
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,NP-SBJ,N,master
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,ILYR,ILYR,VBP;~Dn.t,instructs
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,ILYR,ILYR,NP-OB2;{PERSON},PRO,_*_
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,ILYR,ILYR,IP-INF-OB1,*ICH*-176
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,ILYR,CONJP,CONJ,and
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,VBP;~Cn.t,enables
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,NP-OB1;{PERSON},PRO,_*_
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,IP-INF-PRD,*ICH*-176
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,NP-RNR-DSC;{PERSON},D;_nphd_,someone
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,IP-INF-RNR-176,TO,to
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,IP-INF-RNR-176,VB;~Tn,gain
IP-MAT,CP-THT-OB1,IP-SUB,IP-INF-RNR-176,NP-OB1,N,enlightenment
ID,39_a_kyoto_2
9.9 Extrapositioning
Extrapositioning is the rightward displacement of a structural element. Indexing is not required when the displacement is part of a set construction with a provisional element, as when the displaced element is a notional subject or object. For cases that are not part of a set construction with a provisional element, rightward displacement can only be captured in the annotation with indexing.
In (9.34), tag extension -NSBJ marks an extraposed subject occurring in a clause with provisional subject it tagged PRO;_provisional_.
- (9.34)
-
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,PRO;_provisional_,it
IP-MAT,BEP;~La,<apos>s
IP-MAT,ADJP-PRD2,ADJ,nice
IP-MAT,IP-INF-NSBJ,TO,to
IP-MAT,IP-INF-NSBJ,VB,see
IP-MAT,IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-OB1,PRO,you
IP-MAT,IP-INF-NSBJ,ADVP-TMP,ADV,again
ID,137_christine_t08
In (9.35), -NSBJ occurs in a clause together with a provisional element that is a derived subject marked -SBJ and so not distinguished independently of the construction.
- (9.35)
-
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,PRO,they
IP-MAT,MD;~cat_Vi,wo
IP-MAT,NEG;_clitic_,n<apos>t
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,VB;~Ip,take
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,ADVP-CLR-TMP,ADV,long
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,IP-INF-NSBJ,NP-LGS,*
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,IP-INF-NSBJ,TO,to
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,IP-INF-NSBJ,VB;~Tn,defrost
ID,466_christine_t18
In (9.36), tag extension -NOB1 marks an extraposed object occurring in a clause with provisional object it tagged PRO;_provisional_.
- (9.36)
-
ILYR,NP-SBJ,NPR,Peter
ILYR,VBD;~Cn.a,thought
ILYR,NP-OB1,PRO;_provisional_,it
ILYR,ADJP-PRD,ADJS,best
ILYR,IP-INF3-NOB1,TO,to
ILYR,IP-INF3-NOB1,VB;~Ip,go
ILYR,IP-INF3-NOB1,ADVP-CLR-DIR,ADV,away
ILYR,IP-INF3-NOB1,PP-CNT,P-ROLE,without
ILYR,IP-INF3-NOB1,PP-CNT,IP-PPL2,VAG;~Ipr,speaking
ILYR,IP-INF3-NOB1,PP-CNT,IP-PPL2,PP-CLR,P-ROLE,to
ILYR,IP-INF3-NOB1,PP-CNT,IP-PPL2,PP-CLR,NP,PRO,her
ID,38_a_potter_1902
In (9.37), the extraposed element is a relative clause introduced with the relative pronoun that.
- (9.37)
-
IP-MAT,EX,there
IP-MAT,VAI;~ex_Vpr,ai
IP-MAT,NEG;_clitic_,n<apos>t
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,D,a
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,N,bugger
IP-MAT,NP-ESBJ,IP-REL,*ICH*-167
IP-MAT,PP-LOC,P-ROLE,in
IP-MAT,PP-LOC,NP,NPR,England
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-167,NP-SBJ,RPRO,that
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-167,BEP;~La,<apos>s
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-167,ADJP-PRD2,ADJ,good
ID,273_christine_t38
In (9.38), the extraposed element is a relative clause introduced with the relative pronoun which.
- (9.38)
-
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,PRO,We
IP-MAT,BEP;~cat_Vg,are
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-CAT,HAG;~Tn,having
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-OB1,N,Area
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-OB1,NS,Sports
IP-MAT,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-OB1,IP-REL,*ICH*-141
IP-MAT,ADVP-TMP,ADV,soon
IP-MAT,PUNC,<comma>
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-141,PP-145,P-ROLE,in
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-141,PP-145,NP,RPRO,which
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-141,NP-SBJ,PRO,I
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-141,MD;~cat_Vi,might
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-141,IP-INF-CAT,BE;~cat_Vg,be
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-141,IP-INF-CAT,IP-PPL-CAT,PP-TMP,*ICH*-145
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-141,IP-INF-CAT,IP-PPL-CAT,DAG;~Tn,doing
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-141,IP-INF-CAT,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-OB1,N,relay
ID,3_lucy_child_11_h16
In (9.39), the extraposed element is an as-phrase with free relative complement.
- (9.39)
-
ILYR,NP-SBJ,PRO,I
ILYR,VBD,went
ILYR,PP-DIR,P-ROLE,to
ILYR,PP-DIR,NP,D,the
ILYR,PP-DIR,NP,ADJP,ADJ,same
ILYR,PP-DIR,NP,ADJP,PP,*ICH*-156
ILYR,PP-DIR,NP,N,one
ILYR,PP-DIR,NP,PP-EPD-156,P-ROLE,as
ILYR,PP-DIR,NP,PP-EPD-156,NP,IP-REL,ADVP-DIR,RADV,where
ILYR,PP-DIR,NP,PP-EPD-156,NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,NP-GENV,PRO;_genm_,my
ILYR,PP-DIR,NP,PP-EPD-156,NP,IP-REL,NP-SBJ,N,brother
ILYR,PP-DIR,NP,PP-EPD-156,NP,IP-REL,VBD,went
ID,3_lucy_child_10_k59
In (9.40), there is extrapositioning of a to-infinitive clause inside an extraposed relative clause.
- (9.40)
-
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,NS,Persons
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,IP-REL,*ICH*-111
IP-MAT,MD;~cat_Vi,must
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,BE;~La,be
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,ADJP-PRD2,ADJ,present,
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,NP-SBJ,RPRO,who
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,ILYR,ILYR,BEP;~Ipr,are
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,ILYR,ILYR,NEG,not
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,ILYR,ILYR,ADVP-MOD,ADV,only
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,ILYR,ILYR,ADVP-MNR,ADV,legally
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,ILYR,ILYR,PP-CLR-PRD2,P-ROLE,in
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,ILYR,ILYR,PP-CLR-PRD2,NP,D,the
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,ILYR,ILYR,PP-CLR-PRD2,NP,N,position
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,ILYR,ILYR,PP-CLR-PRD2,NP,IP-INF,*ICH*-113
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,ILYR,PUNC,<comma>
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,ILYR,CONJP,CONJ,but
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,BEP;~cat_Ve_passive_,are
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,IP-PPL-CAT,NP-LGS,*
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,IP-PPL-CAT,ADVP-MOD,ADV,also
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,IP-PPL-CAT,ADVP-MNR,ADV,economically
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,IP-PPL-CAT,VVN;~Cn.t,compelled
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,ILYR,CONJP,ILYR,IP-PPL-CAT,IP-INF-OB1,*ICH*-113
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,PUNC,<comma>
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,IP-INF-EPD-113,TO,to
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,IP-INF-EPD-113,VB;~Tn,sell
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,IP-INF-EPD-113,NP-OB1,NP-GENV,PRO;_genm_,their
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,IP-INF-EPD-113,NP-OB1,N,labour
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,IP-INF-EPD-113,PP-LOC,P-ROLE,on
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,IP-INF-EPD-113,PP-LOC,NP,D,the
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,IP-INF-EPD-113,PP-LOC,NP,N,market
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,IP-INF-EPD-113,PP-MNR,P-ROLE,without
IP-MAT,IP-REL-EPD-111,IP-INF-EPD-113,PP-MNR,NP,N,restriction
ID,14_lucy_student_e53
In (9.41), the extraposed element is a the conjunct of a coordination.
- (9.41)
-
IP-MAT,NP-TMP,NUM,One
IP-MAT,NP-TMP,N,day
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,NLYR,NP,D,the
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,NLYR,NP,NS,dogs
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,NLYR,NP,PP,P-ROLE,of
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,NLYR,NP,PP,NP,NPR,Ireland
IP-MAT,NP-SBJ,NLYR,CONJP,*ICH*-196
IP-MAT,MD;~cat_Vi,will
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,DO,do
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,NP-OB1,D;_nphd_,that
IP-MAT,IP-INF-CAT,ADVP-MOD,ADV,too
IP-MAT,CONJP-EPD-196,CONJ,and
IP-MAT,CONJP-EPD-196,ADVP-MOD,ADV,perhaps
IP-MAT,CONJP-EPD-196,ADVP-MOD;@3,ADV,also
IP-MAT,CONJP-EPD-196,NP,D,the
IP-MAT,CONJP-EPD-196,NP,NS,pigs
ID,117_susanne_g12
Another example:
- (9.42)
-
IP-ADV,ILYR,NP-SBJ,PRO,I
IP-ADV,ILYR,VBD;~Tn.pr,took
IP-ADV,ILYR,NP-OB1;{THING},PRO,it
IP-ADV,ILYR,PP-CLR-DIR,P-ROLE,out_of
IP-ADV,ILYR,PP-CLR-DIR,NP,NP-GENV;{FATHER},NP-GENV,PRO;_genm_,my
IP-ADV,ILYR,PP-CLR-DIR,NP,NP-GENV;{FATHER},N,dad
IP-ADV,ILYR,PP-CLR-DIR,NP,NP-GENV;{FATHER},GENM,<apos>s
IP-ADV,ILYR,PP-CLR-DIR,NP,N,pocket
IP-ADV,NP-EPD-DSC;{THING},IP-REL,NP-OB1,RPRO,what
IP-ADV,NP-EPD-DSC;{THING},IP-REL,NP-SBJ;{FATHER},PRO,he
IP-ADV,NP-EPD-DSC;{THING},IP-REL,VBP,gives
IP-ADV,NP-EPD-DSC;{THING},IP-REL,NP-OB2,PRO,me
ID,694_christine_t06